The Fickleness of Eyewitness Testimony
In 1673 Thomas
Cornell (Jr.) was accused, tried, convicted and hanged for the alleged murder of his mother, Rebecca Briggs Cornell, in Portsmouth, Rhode Island. He was convicted using circumstantial
evidence as well as spectral evidence, in which witnesses recounted dreams
involving ghosts pointing to his alleged guilt.
American jurisprudence was later modernized to exclude the use of apparitions
and dreams as evidence in trials. This case and its history have been
chronicled in the book Killed Strangely: The Death of Rebecca Cornell by
Elaine Forman Crane.
Over three hundred and twenty five years later in 1998, Richard Alexander was convicted of a
series of rapes in South Bend, Indiana and was dubbed the "River Park
Rapist". He was convicted largely on the basis of eyewitness
testimony. In 2001, with Alexander already having served five years in prison,
an alleged burglar and child molester named Michael
Murphy confessed to one of the two rapes of which Alexander had been convicted,
knowing details only the true assailant would know. With this
revelation, a judge ordered a new round of DNA testing in Alexander's case.
Hairs found at the scene of the rape were submitted to mitochondrial
DNA testing. At the time of Alexander's original conviction, such
testing was not available in the State of Indiana. The tests proved that the DNA did not match Alexander's profile, but did
match Murphy's. Alexander was released from prison on December 12,
2001.(*1)
Researchers have reported that 73 percent of the 239
convictions overturned through DNA testing were based on eyewitness testimony.
One third of these overturned cases rested on the testimony of two or more
mistaken eyewitnesses. How could so many eyewitnesses be wrong?(*2)
In addition to being used in criminal trials, eyewitness testimony is
routinely utilized in civil cases ranging from automobile accidents to custody
disputes. Eyewitness testimony is fickle and, all too often, shockingly
inaccurate. Yet judges and jurors often uncritically accept such evidence.
Researchers have reported that (*3):
The uncritical acceptance of eyewitness accounts may
stem from a popular misconception of how memory works. Many people believe that
human memory works like a video recorder: the mind records events and then, on
cue, plays back an exact replica of them. On the contrary, psychologists have
found that memories are reconstructed rather than played back each time we
recall them. The act of remembering, says eminent memory researcher and
psychologist Elizabeth F. Loftus of the University of California, Irvine, is
“more akin to putting puzzle pieces together than retrieving a video
recording.” Even questioning by a lawyer can alter the witness’s testimony
because fragments of the memory may unknowingly be combined with information
provided by the questioner, leading to inaccurate recall.
Many researchers have created false memories in normal
individuals; what is more, many of these subjects are certain that the memories
are real. In one well-known study, Loftus and her colleague Jacqueline Pickrell
gave subjects written accounts of four events, three of which they had actually
experienced. The fourth story was fiction; it centered on the subject being
lost in a mall or another public place when he or she was between four and six
years old. A relative provided realistic details for the false story, such as a
description of the mall at which the subject’s parents shopped. After reading
each story, subjects were asked to write down what else they remembered about
the incident or to indicate that they did not remember it at all. Remarkably
about one third of the subjects reported partially or fully remembering the
false event. In two follow-up interviews, 25 percent still claimed that they
remembered the untrue story, a figure consistent with the findings of similar
studies.
In the mid 1970’s researcher Elizabeth Loftus performed experiments demonstrating the effect of a third party introducing
false facts into memory.(*4) The experiments were described as follows: (*5)
Subjects were shown a slide of a car at an intersection with either a yield
sign or a stop sign. Experimenters asked participants questions, falsely
introducing the term "stop sign" into the question instead of
referring to the yield sign participants had actually seen. Similarly,
experimenters falsely substituted the term "yield sign" in questions
directed to participants who had actually seen the stop sign slide. The results
indicated that subjects remembered seeing the false image. In the initial part
of the experiment, subjects also viewed a slide showing a car accident. Some
subjects were later asked how fast the cars were traveling when they
"hit" each other, others were asked how fast the cars were traveling
when they "smashed" into each other. Those subjects questioned using
the word "smashed" were more likely to report having seen broken
glass in the original slide. The introduction of false cues altered
participants’ memories.
A number of factors can reduce the accuracy of
eyewitness identifications and recollections of events. These have been
identified as:
a) Extreme witness stress at the scene or during
identification or during recall
b) Racial or cultural disparities
c) Alteration of the memory by the interviewer
d) Time
Recognizing the fallibility of witness memories, then, is especially important to
participants in the judicial process, since many trials revolve around factual
determinations of whom to believe. Rarely will a factual question result in a
successful appeal.
Where available, most counsel prefer documentary evidence to eyewitness
testimony. Historically, counsel have relied upon original photographs, letters
written by the parties, and other “formal” documents. Recently, we have seen a
significant increase in the use of digital information. There has been an
explosion in the use of email programs and of cell phones to take videos and
photographs. These “tools” will change the nature of trials. As demonstrated
recently in the Jian Ghomeshi trial, the unearthing of 13-year old emails by
the defence and their use to attempt to discredit a woman accusing Jian
Ghomeshi of sexual assault underscores the growing importance of “digital
debris” in criminal and civil trials. (*6)
The amount of electronic data, records and documents introduced in trials
has risen dramatically in the last ten years, increasing the time and expense
of trials. Individuals and companies alike are hanging on to emails and
electronic information, such as photographs and videos, forever, given the
practically unlimited storage space available on the web and on computers. It
is common sense today for lawyers to ask if there is a likelihood that relevant
electronic evidence is available, whether emails,
text messages, social media posts, online reviews etc. Even when someone thinks
they have deleted the electronic information, it may not be deleted. The
information may still exist on the backups of company databases and service
provider databases.
Endnotes
(*1) “Richard Alexander”, The Innocence Project, http://www.innocenceproject.org/cases-false-imprisonment/richard-alexander
(*2) Hal Arkowitz, Scott O. Lillienfeld, “Why Science
Tells Us Not to Rely on Eyewitness Accounts”, Scientific American, January 1, 2010.
(*3) Ibid
(*4) See Elizabeth F. Loftus & J.C. Palmer, Reconstruction of Automobile
Destruction: An Example of the Interaction Between Language and Memory, 13
J. of VERBAL LEARNING & VERBAL BEHAVIOR 585 (1974); Elizabeth F. Loftus,
D.G. Miller, & H.J. Burns, Semantic Integration of Verbal Information
into a Visual Memory, 4 J. of Experimental Psych, 19 (1978).
(*5) See Laura Engelhardt, “The Problem with Eyewitness Testimony a talk by
Barbara Tversky, Professor of Psychology and George Fisher, Professor of Law”, Standford Journal of Legal Studies, April
5, 1999.
(*6) Laura Kane, “Ghomeshi email evidence shows how ‘digital debris’
increasingly used in trials”
http://www.ctvnews.ca/canada/ghomeshi-email-evidence-shows-how-digital-debris-increasingly-used-in-trials-1.2768204
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